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Protest of the Ukrainian Republic to the 
United States Against the Delivery of 
Eastern Galicia to Polish Domination. 



WASHINGTON, D. C. 
19 19 



/A-^'i' c>^\fyv^^ 



Protest of the Ukrainian Republic to the 
United States Against the Delivery of 
Eastern Galicia to Polish Domination. 



PUBLISHED BY 

FRIENDS OF UKRAINE 

345 MUNSEY BUILDING 

WASHINGTON, D. C. 

19 19 






WxR ;8 1920 




UKRAINIAN MISSION 
Washington, D. C. 

December 8, 1919. 

The Honorable, The Secretary of State, 

Department of State, Washington, D. C 
Sir: 

I have the honor, as the representative in the United 
States of the Ukrainian Peoples Republic, to submit 
for the consideration of the Government of the United 
States the following statement of facts and of the at- 
titude of my Government and its people concerning the 
decision of the Allied and Associated Powers, recently 
announced in the newspapers, according to which the 
Ukrainian (Ruthenian) or Eastern portion of the re- 
cent Austrian Province of Galicia has been placed for 
twenty-five years under a so-called mandate of the 
Polish Republic. 

At this point I desire to make perfectly clear the 
territorial sovereignty (based on historical and ethni- 
cal grounds) of my Government. In 1917, after the 
collapse of the Russian Empire, the Government of 
the Ukrainian Peoples Republic was established in 
that portion of Southern Russia which from time im- 
memorial has been inhabited predominantly by the 
Ukrainian People; and after a temporary overthrow 
by the German military force was reestablished. In 
the latter part of 1918, the Ul^rainians of Eastern Ga- 
licia (also predominantly Ukrainian and anciently, 



prior to the Polish conquest, integrally attached to 
the Ukrainian People as a whole) set up an independ- 
ent repubUcan government of Western Ukraine; and 
in January, 1919, the Ukrainian National Council, in 
its capacity as legislative body for the Western 
Ukrainian (formerly Eastern Galician) territory, 
proclaimed the union of all the Ukrainian territories 
of old Austria-Hungary with those of former Russia 
under the Ukrainian Peoples Republic. 

The Government of the Ukrainian Peoples Repub- 
lic consented to this union, and under that name 
claims independent sovereignty of all the Ukrainian 
territories herein mentioned. 

Concerning the so-called mandate over Galicia re- 
cently granted to the Polish Republic, I am under the 
disadvantage of being unable to obtain authentic offi- 
cial announcement or publication of its details, but 
must rely upon the apparent authenticity of an Asso- 
ciated Press dispatch dated at Paris, November 21, 
1919, in which it is stated that the Supreme Council has 
agreed to grant Poland a mandate over Eastern 
Galicia. 

The dispatch states : 

''By the terms of settlement, Poland is to be 
the mandatory for twenty-five years, which is be- 
lieved to be long enough time to secure immediate 
peace in the troubled territory. 

''At the end of twenty -five years the league of 
nations will have the right to decide how Galicia 's 
future is to be determined, or whether a plebiscite 
will be held. But, the Poles say, in twenty-five 
years they will have had time to reconcile the race 
differences and give an effective administration, 
which they believe wall vnn over the Ruthenian 
■lopulation and reconcile them to Polish sover- 
eignty. 

"Under the agreement, Galicia is to have a cer- 



tain amount of autonomy, and Eastern Galicia 
will in a way be federated with Poland. Lemberg 
and several other cities of considerable size in the 
territory will be affected by the settlement." 

Inasmuch as this problem of the disposition of East- 
ern Galicia involves the life, liberty and happiness of 
over 5,000,000 people (more than 65% of whom are 
Ukrainians), and vitally affects the present and future 
relations between the Ukrainian and Polish peoples of 
Europe, which number 37,000,000 and 19,000,000 re- 
spectively, you will, I am confident, appreciate the 
supreme importance which my Government and its 
people attach to a righteous solution of this problem. 
If this solution be based not upon the fundamental 
principles of natural right and justice, but upon other 
considerations, nothing can follow but a continuation 
of century-old strife and the injustice and misery inci- 
dent thereto. 

It is the opinion of the Government and of the people 
I have the honor to represent, that the above-men- 
tioned decision of the Supreme Council is neither 
righteous nor reasonable; that it will not lead to 
reconciliation, peace, liberty and happiness, nor to the 
foundation and perpetuation of a strong and stable 
Poland; but, on the contrary, that it will lead to con- 
tinued strife and warfare and to the continuation of 
oppression of the Ukrainian people ; and that it creates 
the same conditions that indubitably led to the down- 
fall of the old Polish Empire and will as inevitably 
lead to the downfall of the new Polish Republic. For 
all these reasons my Government is constrained to 
protest most emphatically against this delivery of the 
Ukrainian people to their ancient and modern oppress- 
ors, the Poles. 

Happily it is not necessary for me to persuade you 
of the justice of the principles of liberation, solf-doter- 



mination and self-government of peoples. You know, 
you believe in and you are governed by these princi- 
ples. But having to deal with an immense number of 
international problems it would not be strange for 
you not to be entirely familiar with the history and 
present status of the Polish-Ukrainian disputes. And 
possibly it may not be obvious to you how contradic- 
tory is the above-mentioned decision of the Supreme 
Council of the Allied and Associated Governments to 
the program of a democratic peace as pronounced by 
the President of the United States and by yourself. 

The very fact that the mandate over Eastern Galicia 
given to Poland is limited to twenty-five years is a 
recognition that the Polish title is doubtful ; but if we 
further examine the question under consideration in 
the light of information accessible to everyone we will 
find that Poland's claims are entirely mthout founda- 
tion if we are to be guided by the American ideas of 
peace adjustment. 

No less strongly, however, am I convinced that even 
the arguments of the balance of power and of the 
necessity of subordinating democratic considerations 
to the programme of a great and strong Poland do 
not in the least justify the placing of Ukrainian East- 
ern Galicia under Polish rule. 

To prove this I take the liberty of quoting from 
American and other authorities and of submitting this 
protest to your impartial study. In the name of jus- 
tice and humanity, at this time when imperialistic 
passions and bolshevist diseases threaten to destroy 
the fruits of the great victory over European autocra- 
cies, I urge you not to ignore the moral issues in- 
volved in the struggle for the Liberty and Unity of 
Ukraine. 

In his programme of peace, announced on January 



8, 1918, President Wilson laid down, among other 
propositions, the two following: 

*^X. The peoples of Austria-Hungary, whose 
place among the nations we wish to see safe- 
guarded and assured, should be accorded the 
freest opportunity of autonomous development." 

"XIII. An independent Polish state should be 
erected which should include the territories, in- 
habited by indisputably Polish populations, which 
should be assured a free and secure access to the 
sea, and whose political and economic indepen- 
dence and territorial integrity should be guaran- 
teed by international covenant." (Italics sup- 
plied.) 

And in his Mt. Vernon speech of July 4, 1918, the 
President said: 

"These are the ends for which the associated 
peoples of the world are fighting and which must 
be conceded before there can be peace. 

"II. The settlement of every question, whether 
of territory, of sovereignty, of economic arrange- 
ment, or of political relationship, upon the basis 
of the free acceptance of that settlement hy the 
people immediately concerned, and not upon the 
basis of the material interest or advantage of 
any other nation or people which may desire a 
different settlement for the sake of its own ex- 
terior influence or mastery." (Italics supplied.) 

The Ukrainians have always accepted and now stand 
upon these ideas as part of their own demands and 
expectations. 

And even the present leader of the new Polish State, 
Mr. Paderewski, acknowledged and supported the 
justness of the same. Follo^ving the mass meeting of 
the oppressed nationalities of central Europe held in 
Carnegie Hall, September 15, 1918, Mr. Paderewski 



not only supported but signed and personally pre- 
sented to President Wilson a resolution of the meet- 
ing, which was in part as follows: 

''Resolved, That since the majority of the in- 
habitants of Austria-Hungary, to wit: Poles, 
Czecho-Slovaks, Ukrainians, Roumanians, Jugo- 
slavs and Italians, have been unjustly and cruelly 
governed by a ruling minority of Germans and 
Magyars, we demand the dissolution of the present 
Empire and the organization of its freed peoples 
according to their own will." 

(By ''The present Empire" was meant Austria- 
Hungary.) 

I beg to invite your attention to what is indisputable, 
namely, that racially, linguistically, geographically, 
economically, in religious discipline, ceremony and 
government, and so far as political and national con- 
sciousness is concerned. Eastern Galicia is not Polish, 
but is overwhelmingly Ukrainian. It is an integral 
part of Ukraine proper and the bulk of the Eastern 
Galician population has always been bitterly opposed 
to union with Poland and has always striven for in- 
corporation with the main body of Ukraine, from which 
it had been separated by force of arms. 

Western Galicia is Polish, and as clearly belongs to 
Poland as Eastern Galicia belongs to Ukrainia. West- 
ern and Eastern Galicia were never united (even when 
Eastern Galicia was under Polish domination before 
the final partition of Poland) until they were united, 
by the Austro-Hungarian Empire, into one province 
under the new name of Galicia ; and thenceforward the 
Austrian Government permitted the Polish land-hold- 
ing nobility to govern, to exploit and to oppress the 
Ukrainians of the eastern portion of the province in 
exchange for the support of the Poles in the Austrian 
parliament. 



According to the International Encyclopedia, the 
entire Austrian province of Galicia (western and east- 
ern) contained, in 1910, 58.55 per cent of Poles and 
40.20 per cent of Ruthenians, which is the local name 
for Greek-Catholic Ukrainians. 

According to the Encyclopedia Brittanica, the former 
predominate in the West and in the big towns, and the 
latter in the East. 

According to official statistics of the Austrian pro- 
vincial government of Galicia, prepared and published 
by leaders of Polish political parties, there were, in 
1900, in Eastern Galicia, 65.10 per cent Euthenians, 
21.2 Poles, and 12 per cent Jews. 

The Ukrainian claim embraces only 48 Eastern dis- 
tricts, where their population is greatly preponderant. 
Official statistics in 1900 show that the percentage of 
Ukrainians in these 48 districts stood as follows : 

In 10 districts, 75% to 90% 

In 12 districts, 67% to 75% 

In 16 districts, 60% to 66% 

In 8 districts, 50% to 60% 

In 2 districts, 41% to 50% 

The real percentage of the Ukrainian population is, 
however, much higher, for it is a proven and well- 
known fact that the Polish- Austrian authorities in Lviv 
purposely interfered with the due process of census in 
order to obtain a Polish majority in the country. 

According to Arnold J. Toynbee: ''The Viennese 
government purchased the support of the Polish group 
in the Parliament, abandoning the Euthenians polit- 
ically to Polish exploitation." 

(The New Europe, by Arnold J. Toynbee, London, 
1916, pp. 81-84.) 

According to the Encyclopedia Brittanica: ''The 



Ruthenians are under an alien yoke, both politically 
and economically." 

See also ''The New Map of Europe," by Herbert 
Adams Gibbons, the well-known American student of 
eastern European affairs, Chapter on Galicia; J. A. 
Cole's ''The Ground Work of East Central Europe"; 
and an article in ''Geographical Teacher" (Vol. 8, 1915- 
16, p. 356), by A. Bruce Boswell, Research Fellow in 
Western Slav History, University of Liverpool. 

As a native of Galicia, I know that there is not a 
single Ruthenian group, party or publication, from the 
Conservative Cathohcs to the Social Democrats, which 
advocates or would agree to a union of Eastern Galicia 
with Poland as against a union with Ukraine and in 
my whole life I do not remember a single instance — so 
sharp is the cleavage between those two nationalities — 
where a Ruthenian, not to say publicly but even pri- 
vately, would express such an opinion. 

The Polish government has been and is aware of 
this sentiment. Therefore, though the right of plebis- 
cite has been finally granted by the Poles to the Ger- 
mans on the Polish-German frontiers, repeated offers 
on the part of Ukrainians to hold a plebiscite under 
Allied supervision in Eastern Galicia have been firmly 
rejected. Both before and after the formal proclama- 
tion in January, 1919, by the duly elected representa- 
tives of Eastern Galicia (Western Ukraine) of its 
union with the Ukrainian Peoples Republic, the Poles 
were not willing to agree to settle this issue by a gen- 
eral vote of the people concerned. This opposition it- 
self indicates its reason. The Poles feared a popular 
vote. They preferred bullets to ballots. They con- 
quered Eastern Galicia by a superior army of invasion 
and they hold the occupied territory in subjection only 
by military force. 

8 



It is apparent that some principle of international 
conduct which was not the American one was in oper- 
ation when the Supreme Council decided upon a Polish 
mandate in Ukrainian Galicia. It might be the prin- 
ciple of historic possession or the belief in the political 
expediency of such a settlement. But neither can bear 
the test of critical examination. 

It is true that from the end of the Fourteenth Cen- 
tury to 1772, Eastern Galicia (or, as it was known at 
that time, Little Russia or Ruthenia), was ruled by 
Poland. It must not, however, be forgotten that it fell 
under the domination of the Polish Kings only after 
the bitterest struggles, and that its Ukrainian popula- 
tion has strongly resisted, for nearly six centuries, up 
to the present time, all the attacks and all the oppres- 
sions of the Polish feudal regime, maintaining its lan- 
guage, its religion and its nationality. While the peas- 
ants in Poland bore the burden of servitude without 
protest the UT^rainian population of Galicia strongly 
contested the right of the free-holders and repeatedly 
broke into open revolt. The clergy, the burgeoisie and 
the gentry, all were combatting the rule of the Polish 
imported aristocracy, which never succeeded in con- 
ciliating the native population. The Ukrainians of 
Galicia, because of their hatred of Polish dominion, be- 
came a substantial factor in the great uprising which 
was started by the Eastern or Cossack Ukraine against 
the Polish State in 1648, and which, according to most 
Polish historians, was the main cause of Poland's 
weakening and partition. ( See Bruckner, Bobrzynski, 
Zakrzewski.) 

The Ukrainian-Polish antagonism did not abate but, 
on the contrary, increased after the Polish partition, 
when in 1772 the territory presently known as Eastern 
Galicia, together with the Duchy of Cracow, Zator and 



9 



Oswiecim, the present Western Galicia, became an Aus- 
trian province. Then for the first time in history those 
two countries were united into one administrative unit 
under the new name Gahcia. This was done by the 
Hapsburgs solely for their selfish dynastic aims. It 
was the policy of their arbitrary government so to or- 
ganize the provinces of their empire as to have in each 
province at least two nationalities, to be played against 
each other and prevent either from achieving self-gov- 
ernment. The Ukrainians on every occasion demanded 
that Galicia, the largest province of Europe, number- 
ing 8,000,000 people, be again divided into its natural 
components, the Western Polish, and the Eastern Uk- 
rainian. 

The Polish leaders opposed and succeeded in defeat- 
ing this plan through a secret agreement with the late 
Emperor Francis Joseph I, made in the seventies of 
the last century, by which they pledged permanent sup- 
port to the dynasty in its policies of suppression of the 
other nationalities of Austria-Hungary and received 
full control of the provincial government of Galicia. 
This is shown incidentally by the demand of the Allied 
Powers for the extradition of the present Polish Min- 
ister of Foreign Affairs, Mr. Bilinski, formerly Aus- 
tro-Hungarian Minister of Finance and Governor of 
the annexed province of Bosnia, who is charged with 
responsibility for the great war. This agreement was 
characterized in the Czecho-Slovak press as the great 
treason to the Slav cause in Austria. Had it not been 
for the complete and continued support which the Pol- 
ish parliamentary group was giving to every admin- 
istration in Vienna there would have been a compact 
and great majority of Slavic deputies (Czech, Polish, 
Euthenian, Slovene and Serbo-Croat) as against the 
German dominant minority. 



10 



The largest part of the progress of civilization in 
Ukrainian Galicia was achieved in direct opposition to 
the Polish-Austrian administration. The greatest ef- 
fort of the Polish provincial government was extended 
in the interest of a forcible Polonization of the Ukrain- 
ians. During the Polish-Austrian regime the princi- 
ples of political democracy, of popular education and 
of co-operative movement were ruthlessly and un- 
scrupulously down-trodden. These principles grew 
hand in hand with the Ukrainian nationalist movement 
with which they were identical. The Ukrainian move- 
ment being forbidden in the former Russian Empire, 
Eastern Galicia, with its political and intellectual capi- 
tal Leopol (Lviv in Ukrainian, Lemberg in German) 
became the center of the whole Ukrainian national 
movement, which developed with the intellectual and 
material forces of the whole of Ukraine, and attained 
greater strength under the so-called constitutional con- 
ditions existing in Austria after the year 1867. 

During this unremitting struggle against Polish dom- 
ination, against class legislation, electoral frauds, cor- 
rupt courts, denial of suffrage, administrative abuses 
and even religious intolerance, the Ukrainian people 
of Eastern Galicia builded, step by step, the solid foun- 
dation of its economic, intellectual and moral progress. 

Having established an entire system of co-operative 
associations, rural banks, educational societies, and 
private schools (higher education in public schools be- 
ing denied to them in many localities), and having or- 
ganized an academy of science in Lemberg and a strong 
democratic press, the Ukrainians have demonstrated 
the ability to govern themselves. Polish students of 
Galicia have testified that the level of civic and cul- 
tural development of the Galician Ukrainian farmer 
is higher than that of the Polish farmer of Western 
Galicia. (''Galicia," by F. Bujak, Cracow, 1908.) 

11 



When the Allied Powers, deciding the fate of Austria- 
Hungary, recognized the right of the several national- 
ities forming the Austro-Hungarian Empire to self-de- 
termination, the Ukrainian Deputies to the provincial 
legislature and to the Viennese Parliament, elected by 
general suffrage, terminated Austrian power in East- 
ern Galicia on November 1, 1918, at the same time pro- 
claiming the Western Ukrainian Eepublic in all the 
Ukrainian lands of the Hapsburg monarchy (Eastern 
Galicia, Ukrainian part of Bukovina and Ukrainian 
part of Northern Hungary). Later, by unanimous 
vote, they united, on January 3, 1919, the Western 
Ukrainian Republic with the Ukrainian Peoples Re- 
public, which had emerged from the ruins of old Russia. 

Against the exercise of this right of self-determina- 
tion has arisen Poland, attempting to conquer Eastern 
Galicia by force of arms. During the course of the 
resulting Polish-Ukrainian war the Supreme Council 
of the Peace Conference by its decision of March 19, 
1919, ordered the two parties to make a truce and 
promised to ''hear the territorial claims of both sides 
with a view to transforming the laying do^\Ti of arms 
into an armistice." 

The Armistice Commission, instituted by the Su- 
preme Council under the Presidency of General Botha, 
proposed an armistice to the Ukrainians and the Poles 
with a provisional line of demarkation, which the 
Ukrainians accepted but the Poles refused. 

It will be remembered that since January, 1918, the 
Ukrainian Peoples Republic has been in a life and 
death struggle with the Bolsheviki. All available 
Ukrainian forces have been dispatched against the in- 
vaders in an effort to prevent their overrunning the 
country. 

Suddenly, in the middle of May, 1919, General Haller, 

12 



with a Polish army organized in America, of un-Amer- 
icanized Polish immigrants, began an offensive against 
the Ukrainians, attacking them from the rear. In this 
manner Poland took advantage of the critical condi- 
tion of the Ukraine, a newly organized state, which not 
only had to defend herself on two different fronts but 
also, as a result of the blockade, was almost devoid of 
munitions and supplies and was ravaged by epidemics 
of typhus. 

Prior to the recent Polish conquest of Eastern Gali- 
cia the Associated Press of America repeatedly re- 
ported that there were no Bolshevists in Eastern Gali- 
cia; that there was better order there than in Poland, 
and that the Jewish population was living in peace and 
harmony with the rest of the people ; while at the same 
time there were pogroms in Central Poland and in the 
Western or Polish part of Galicia. 

The Polish occupation of Ukrainian Eastern Galicia 
has the follomng facts to its record. 

The Ukrainian language has been barred from use 
in public life and the Ukrainian press has been entirely 
suppressed. 

The Ukrainian schools, public as well as private, and 
other educational institutions, have been closed, while 
the Ukrainian chairs at the Ukrainian-Polish Univer- 
sity of Lemberg have been abolished. 

Ukrainian students have been excluded from the Uni- 
versity in Lemberg by the decree requiring from every 
student a record of service in the Polish army. When 
Ukrainian professors attempted to organize private 
courses of higher education the Polish government re- 
fused permission. 

The teachers of common schools in Eastern Galicia 
who refused to pledge allegiance to the Polish State 
were sent to internment camps in Poland. 

13 



Nearly all Ukrainian leaders have been arrested and 
herded into camps, most filthy and unsanitary and in- 
fected by typhus, dysentery and other diseases. 

The life of those in the internment camps was made 
so miserable by denial of food, clothes and medical at- 
tention that it looked as if the Polish government de- 
sired to get rid of them. Those conditions became the 
subject of severe criticism in the Polish Diet of War- 
saw and of intervention on the part of Allied Missions 
in Poland. 

The Polish Diet has passed a law by virtue of which 
the Polish agricultural population in Poland will be 
able, with the help of the State, to acquire for reason- 
able compensation the lands heretofore held in great 
estates, yet the very same law attempts to preserve 
the great Polish landed estates in Eastern Galicia lest 
the Ukrainian farmers, by becoming the owners of 
these lands, may become economically independent. 

Courts-martial of Ukrainian civilians on the bare 
suspicion of opposition to the Polish rule, burning 
down of Ukrainian churches and shooting of priests, 
and the most inhuman treatment of Ukrainian prison- 
ers of war (684 prisoners of war died during a period 
of 30 days in a single camp out of a total of six or 
eight thousand) ; all these are facts which can not be 
denied. 

The following is the latest evidence of the last men- 
tioned horrors : 

"International Eed Cross Committee on Condi- 
tions in Polish Prison Camps, 

Geneva, November 2nd, 
(Swiss Telegraph Agency.) 
''The International Red Cross Committee an- 
announces : 
"The worst news reaches us on the conditions 
in some Polish war prison camps. A commission 

14 



composed of two delegates of the International 
Red Cross Committee accompanied by a Major of 
the Sanitary Corps of the French Military Mission 
has visited four war prison camps at Brest Lit- 
ovsk, which last March contained 10,000 men, prin- 
cipally Ukrainians. Between the 10th and 11th 
day of October there were hardly 4,000 men in 
these camps. From the 1st to 17th of October 
1,124 prisoners died. In the first part of August 
about 180 prisoners were dying daily. These 
prison camps were veritable deathbeds. The 
losses have been caused mainly by dysentery, ty- 
phus and insufficient food. Those who survived 
are in rags, insufficiently nourished and sleep on 
wooden floors without any straw or covering. ' ' 

This shameless policy has been somewhat modified 
by the Polish administration only since the foreign 
press has taken up the subject and when the moment 
approached for final decision by the Peace Conference 
of the future of Eastern Galicia. But to those who 
know the history of the Polish-Ukrainian relations in 
the past centuries the unscrupulous suppression of 
Ukrainian nationality during the present occupation is 
only one chapter in the history of Polish attempts to 
subjugate Ukraine, showing w^hat is to be expected 
from the Polish dominion over Ul?:rainian territory 
should Eastern Galicia be placed under the Polish rule 
not provisionally only as now, but for five, ten or 
twenty-five years, as reported. 

There is nothing to indicate that the Polish adminis- 
tration in Galicia will change its long established policy 
of extermination with regard to its Ukrainian subjects. 
Such change of heart has never yet happened in the 
history of European peoples. Neither will the Ukrain- 
ians change or ever cease their struggle for the liberty 
of their homes and the honor of their country. 

This incessant antagonism and strife between the 



15 



Polish and Ukrainian population of the Polish re- 
public will not prove a source of strength but of dis- 
union and weakness of the state. In case of war, Po- 
land will prove as weak an ally to its friends as Aus- 
tria was to Germany. Not only the Ukrainians of 
Galicia but those of the whole Ukraine will resent the 
Polish domination in Eastern Galicia, and will always 
strive to wrest it from Poland. 

The folly of attempting to build up a nation from the 
top, by super-imposing a government on unwilling peo- 
ples, has been demonstrated from the dawn of history. 
It is exemplified in the histories of the Polish, the Rus- 
sian and the Austro-Hungarian empires. 

The peaceful cohabitation of the Ukrainians and the 
Poles and the security of the peace of Eastern Europe 
demand that the three and a half million Ukrainians of 
Eastern Galicia shall not be torn away from their 
parental stock — the Ukrainian people. 

Any solution of the Eastern Galician problem made 
in violation of this fundamental demand can not and 
will not lead to the accord of the two nationalities, nor 
secure and perpetuate the peace of eastern Europe, 
and mil inevitably destroy all political combinations 
based on such a solution. 

I have the honor to be, 

Respectfully yours, 

Julian Batchinsky, 
Diiilomatic Bepresentative of the 
Uhrainian Peoples Republic. 



16 



